.Sunni Sheik Who Backed U.S. in Iraq Is Killed
BAGHDAD, Sept. 13 — A high-profile Sunni Arab sheik who collaborated with the American military in the fight against jihadist militants in western Iraq was killed in a bomb attack on Thursday near his desert compound. The attack appeared to be a precisely planned assassination meant to undermine one of the Bush administration’s trumpeted achievements in the war.
Two guards were also killed in the attack on the sheik, Abdul Sattar Buzaigh al-Rishawi, who just last week shook hands with President Bush during the president’s surprise visit to Anbar to extol the Sunni cooperation that has made the province, once Iraq’s most dangerous, relatively safe.
Iraqi and American officials were caught off guard by the assassination, which came just hours before Mr. Bush addressed the American people about his plans for Iraq. But they said it would not derail the collaboration of the alliance of Sunni clans, known as the Anbar Awakening Council, and groups in other provinces.
In his speech, Mr. Bush acknowledged the killing. “Earlier today, one of the brave tribal sheiks who helped lead the revolt against Al Qaeda was murdered,” he said. “In response, a fellow Sunni leader declared: ‘We are determined to strike back and continue our work.’ And as they do, they can count on the continued support of the United States.”
Sheik Sattar, 35, who was also known as Abu Risha, had become the public face of the Sunni Arab tribes in lawless Anbar Province that turned against the Sunni jihadists of Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia and began to fight on the side of the Shiite-led Iraqi government and the American military. His council was formed one day short of a year ago.
Local papers often featured photographs of the robed sheik talking with the American commander, Gen. David H. Petraeus, with other American generals and with the Shiite prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki. But Sheik Sattar was not unequivocally supportive; he often complained about the government’s failure to give his men the arms and support they needed.
He had credibility with the tribes because he and his family had suffered so much at the hands of jihadist extremists. In an interview earlier this year, he said that his father had been killed in an attack by Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia in 2004 and that two of his brothers had been abducted and never heard from again; a third was shot dead. He had survived three car bombs outside the Anbar home he shared with his wife and five children.
On Thursday, the American military said a bomb destroyed the vehicle he was in, but it was unclear whether it was a roadside bomb or a suicide bomber.
No group had claimed the assassination by late Thursday, but security officials in Iraq appeared convinced that responsibility lay with Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, the home-grown extremist group that American intelligence agencies say is foreign-led. The extent of its links to Osama bin Laden’s network is unclear.
But many groups in Iraq carry out assassinations, and Sheik Sattar may have had other enemies. Some other tribal leaders felt he drew more of the spotlight than was his due. More recently, there were tensions between him and Sunni Arabs in Parliament, who worried that his alliance’s growing influence might encroach on their power.
Several Iraqis said they doubted the assassination would have a lasting impact in Anbar, where the tribes have now fought the jihadists for a year, but that it would send tremors through those elsewhere just starting to collaborate. The sheik is at least the sixth tribal leader to be killed since May. “The terrorist group set out this day to assassinate Abu Risha because they are targeting the security and stability in Anbar and in every part of the country,” said Sadiq al-Rikabi, a senior political adviser to Mr. Maliki.
“The timing was critical; the assassination came at this moment because of the report of General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker,” he said, referring to Ryan C. Crocker, the United States ambassador to Iraq. He added that the killing appeared intended to undermine the Bush administration’s effort to claim success in fighting Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia.
When the Anbar tribes first began cooperating, they told the Americans where the extremists were hiding weapons caches, burying bombs, and running safe houses. Then they set up checkpoints and began engaging in gunfights with Qaeda cells in the Ramadi area.
With attacks decreasing against both Americans and Iraqis in Anbar, and large numbers of tribesmen lining up to join local security forces, the American military has begun to try to replicate its success.
Sheik Ahmed Abu Risha, the brother of the assassinated sheik, described the killers as “criminals” and, speaking in a low, resigned voice in a telephone interview, said they were “trying to send a message to everybody that whoever tries to help the humanity and to bring life again to Iraqis and also to improve the image of Islam will get killed.”
Many Iraqis expressed shock and grief when they learned of Sheik Sattar’s death, and television channels had nonstop coverage when the news first broke.
While other tribal leaders had more experience and more influence, it was the media-savvy, charismatic Sheik Sattar who rallied popular support for the opposition to the jihadists. Most recently, he had sent his men into western neighborhoods of Baghdad that had been taken over by extremists.
“These Qaeda fighters started even to force some families to marry their young daughters to the fighters, otherwise they would kill the entire family,” said Manal Imad, 27, a university student who lives in the far western Baghdad neighborhood of Amariya. “When Abu Risha sent his men to our neighborhood, everyone here welcomed them.”
The extremists had required that women going outside their houses wear long robes and completely cover their hair, Ms. Imad said. Several months ago, she said, not wearing a head scarf “could be fatal to me and to my entire family.”
“Now the neighborhood is very stable and most of the shops are open again. And even girls feel safer wearing what they used to wear during the normal day.”
Especially sad were drivers who made their living bringing people and goods on the roads to Syria and Jordan that ran through Anbar. They said they owed their livelihoods to Sheik Sattar, because his men had forced jihadists off the roads.
“This change has really helped our business, because in 2006 we lost most of our customers because the families started to feel unsafe driving that road and mainly the Shia were getting stopped on that road and either kidnapped or sometimes killed immediately,” said Haider Mohammed Ali, 35, who runs a travel company.
Sheik Sattar’s brother said he would accept the job as leader of the Anbar Awakening Council if it was offered, and Adnan al-Dulaimi, a prominent Sunni Arab leader from the largest tribe in Anbar, said the sheiks had already agreed that the brother would be the successor.
“The martyrdom of Sattar will not affect this council because every member of this council has the same beliefs and the same motivations and this sad incident will not stop them from moving forward,” said Sheik Risha. “Although they killed Sattar, there are a million Sattars in Anbar.”
NYT
Two guards were also killed in the attack on the sheik, Abdul Sattar Buzaigh al-Rishawi, who just last week shook hands with President Bush during the president’s surprise visit to Anbar to extol the Sunni cooperation that has made the province, once Iraq’s most dangerous, relatively safe.
Iraqi and American officials were caught off guard by the assassination, which came just hours before Mr. Bush addressed the American people about his plans for Iraq. But they said it would not derail the collaboration of the alliance of Sunni clans, known as the Anbar Awakening Council, and groups in other provinces.
In his speech, Mr. Bush acknowledged the killing. “Earlier today, one of the brave tribal sheiks who helped lead the revolt against Al Qaeda was murdered,” he said. “In response, a fellow Sunni leader declared: ‘We are determined to strike back and continue our work.’ And as they do, they can count on the continued support of the United States.”
Sheik Sattar, 35, who was also known as Abu Risha, had become the public face of the Sunni Arab tribes in lawless Anbar Province that turned against the Sunni jihadists of Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia and began to fight on the side of the Shiite-led Iraqi government and the American military. His council was formed one day short of a year ago.
Local papers often featured photographs of the robed sheik talking with the American commander, Gen. David H. Petraeus, with other American generals and with the Shiite prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki. But Sheik Sattar was not unequivocally supportive; he often complained about the government’s failure to give his men the arms and support they needed.
He had credibility with the tribes because he and his family had suffered so much at the hands of jihadist extremists. In an interview earlier this year, he said that his father had been killed in an attack by Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia in 2004 and that two of his brothers had been abducted and never heard from again; a third was shot dead. He had survived three car bombs outside the Anbar home he shared with his wife and five children.
On Thursday, the American military said a bomb destroyed the vehicle he was in, but it was unclear whether it was a roadside bomb or a suicide bomber.
No group had claimed the assassination by late Thursday, but security officials in Iraq appeared convinced that responsibility lay with Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, the home-grown extremist group that American intelligence agencies say is foreign-led. The extent of its links to Osama bin Laden’s network is unclear.
But many groups in Iraq carry out assassinations, and Sheik Sattar may have had other enemies. Some other tribal leaders felt he drew more of the spotlight than was his due. More recently, there were tensions between him and Sunni Arabs in Parliament, who worried that his alliance’s growing influence might encroach on their power.
Several Iraqis said they doubted the assassination would have a lasting impact in Anbar, where the tribes have now fought the jihadists for a year, but that it would send tremors through those elsewhere just starting to collaborate. The sheik is at least the sixth tribal leader to be killed since May. “The terrorist group set out this day to assassinate Abu Risha because they are targeting the security and stability in Anbar and in every part of the country,” said Sadiq al-Rikabi, a senior political adviser to Mr. Maliki.
“The timing was critical; the assassination came at this moment because of the report of General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker,” he said, referring to Ryan C. Crocker, the United States ambassador to Iraq. He added that the killing appeared intended to undermine the Bush administration’s effort to claim success in fighting Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia.
When the Anbar tribes first began cooperating, they told the Americans where the extremists were hiding weapons caches, burying bombs, and running safe houses. Then they set up checkpoints and began engaging in gunfights with Qaeda cells in the Ramadi area.
With attacks decreasing against both Americans and Iraqis in Anbar, and large numbers of tribesmen lining up to join local security forces, the American military has begun to try to replicate its success.
Sheik Ahmed Abu Risha, the brother of the assassinated sheik, described the killers as “criminals” and, speaking in a low, resigned voice in a telephone interview, said they were “trying to send a message to everybody that whoever tries to help the humanity and to bring life again to Iraqis and also to improve the image of Islam will get killed.”
Many Iraqis expressed shock and grief when they learned of Sheik Sattar’s death, and television channels had nonstop coverage when the news first broke.
While other tribal leaders had more experience and more influence, it was the media-savvy, charismatic Sheik Sattar who rallied popular support for the opposition to the jihadists. Most recently, he had sent his men into western neighborhoods of Baghdad that had been taken over by extremists.
“These Qaeda fighters started even to force some families to marry their young daughters to the fighters, otherwise they would kill the entire family,” said Manal Imad, 27, a university student who lives in the far western Baghdad neighborhood of Amariya. “When Abu Risha sent his men to our neighborhood, everyone here welcomed them.”
The extremists had required that women going outside their houses wear long robes and completely cover their hair, Ms. Imad said. Several months ago, she said, not wearing a head scarf “could be fatal to me and to my entire family.”
“Now the neighborhood is very stable and most of the shops are open again. And even girls feel safer wearing what they used to wear during the normal day.”
Especially sad were drivers who made their living bringing people and goods on the roads to Syria and Jordan that ran through Anbar. They said they owed their livelihoods to Sheik Sattar, because his men had forced jihadists off the roads.
“This change has really helped our business, because in 2006 we lost most of our customers because the families started to feel unsafe driving that road and mainly the Shia were getting stopped on that road and either kidnapped or sometimes killed immediately,” said Haider Mohammed Ali, 35, who runs a travel company.
Sheik Sattar’s brother said he would accept the job as leader of the Anbar Awakening Council if it was offered, and Adnan al-Dulaimi, a prominent Sunni Arab leader from the largest tribe in Anbar, said the sheiks had already agreed that the brother would be the successor.
“The martyrdom of Sattar will not affect this council because every member of this council has the same beliefs and the same motivations and this sad incident will not stop them from moving forward,” said Sheik Risha. “Although they killed Sattar, there are a million Sattars in Anbar.”
NYT
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