Iraq should back Syria's uprising
Having lived through one repressive Ba'athist regime, it is disappointing to see Iraqi politicians turning a blind eye to the horrific repression in Syria, and even going as far as backing the Ba'athists. The Iraqi government should strongly support democratic change in Syria because a victory there would send a powerful message to other Arab dictators who have managed, so far, to escape the fate of Ben Ali and Mubarak.
Having tasted (and enjoyed) democratic elections in Iraq, politicians there should also want the same for Syria, and a principled stance in Syria would not just be healthy for Iraq itself, but a breath of fresh air in a world filled with mutual distrust and suspicion.
It is not difficult to see why some have taken such a negative stance towards democratic change in Syria. Many Shias have a fear of the Sunni majority, and believe that in their retaliation against the Alawi regime the masses will not differentiate between them and the mainstream Shias, who have a particularly large presence in the Syeda Zainab district in Damascus.
Residents in Syeda Zainab are already reporting that people driving past the neighbourhood are openly cursing, intimidating and insulting Shias. This may be the outpouring of frustration that has built up over 40 years of dictatorship or simply the act of some sectarian individuals, but bearing in the mind the ruthless tactics of the Ba'ath, its agents could be behind these scare tactics to ferment fear and force Shias into believing there is an imminent, and existential, threat to them if Bashar al-Assad falls.
The problem with this line of thinking is exactly why democratic change in Bahrain has been quashed. Speaking to some friends, an apocalyptic picture is painted with emotional imagery of the shrine in Damascus potentially being demolished and Shias being massacred by the Salafi-backed Muslim Brotherhood. No doubt a similar conversation took place in a palace in Riyadh when it was decided to send the troops into Manama.
Iranian pilgrims have been attacked in the past by anti-Shia terrorist groups, but the recent attack by a large crowd of people on an Iranian bus is feeding into these fears. While crimes will be committed in times of chaos and upheaval, sensible heads will no doubt make a distinction between innocent Iranian civilians and their government, which will probably support Assad to the bitter end.
It is this same "logic" that led many Arabs to believe Saddam should never fall because all the Shias are loyal to Iran and would massacre the Sunnis once in power. If the Americans believed this false narrative, the Ba'athists in Baghdad would still be in power, and the Iraqis should stop pretending the reverse will happen in Damascus.
Syria's Muslim Brotherhood is no doubt going to play a role in a post-Assad Syria. Islamists in Iraq also made many mistakes along the way, and fear of the devil they don't know shouldn't stand in the way of giving the Brotherhood a chance.
When it comes to taking a stance on Syria, the role Assad plays vis-à-vis Iran and Hezbollah cannot be ignored. But if democracy is given a chance in Syria (as it has been in Iraq, with varying degrees of success) and the people decide they no longer want to be an ally of Iran, then that is a choice they will make – and the rest of us will have to deal with it.
Many of the Iraqi politicians in power today were once forced to flee due to Ba'athist repression and lived for decades in exile. It should be breaking their hearts to see Syrians leaving their homeland, and it should remind them of how they also had to endure this pain with the international community doing nothing about it.
Iraq cannot offer the Syrians salvation, but the least it can do is offer moral support – and break the pattern of taking sides in the Arab spring according to one's sectarian background and the background of those calling for change.
Guardian
Having tasted (and enjoyed) democratic elections in Iraq, politicians there should also want the same for Syria, and a principled stance in Syria would not just be healthy for Iraq itself, but a breath of fresh air in a world filled with mutual distrust and suspicion.
It is not difficult to see why some have taken such a negative stance towards democratic change in Syria. Many Shias have a fear of the Sunni majority, and believe that in their retaliation against the Alawi regime the masses will not differentiate between them and the mainstream Shias, who have a particularly large presence in the Syeda Zainab district in Damascus.
Residents in Syeda Zainab are already reporting that people driving past the neighbourhood are openly cursing, intimidating and insulting Shias. This may be the outpouring of frustration that has built up over 40 years of dictatorship or simply the act of some sectarian individuals, but bearing in the mind the ruthless tactics of the Ba'ath, its agents could be behind these scare tactics to ferment fear and force Shias into believing there is an imminent, and existential, threat to them if Bashar al-Assad falls.
The problem with this line of thinking is exactly why democratic change in Bahrain has been quashed. Speaking to some friends, an apocalyptic picture is painted with emotional imagery of the shrine in Damascus potentially being demolished and Shias being massacred by the Salafi-backed Muslim Brotherhood. No doubt a similar conversation took place in a palace in Riyadh when it was decided to send the troops into Manama.
Iranian pilgrims have been attacked in the past by anti-Shia terrorist groups, but the recent attack by a large crowd of people on an Iranian bus is feeding into these fears. While crimes will be committed in times of chaos and upheaval, sensible heads will no doubt make a distinction between innocent Iranian civilians and their government, which will probably support Assad to the bitter end.
It is this same "logic" that led many Arabs to believe Saddam should never fall because all the Shias are loyal to Iran and would massacre the Sunnis once in power. If the Americans believed this false narrative, the Ba'athists in Baghdad would still be in power, and the Iraqis should stop pretending the reverse will happen in Damascus.
Syria's Muslim Brotherhood is no doubt going to play a role in a post-Assad Syria. Islamists in Iraq also made many mistakes along the way, and fear of the devil they don't know shouldn't stand in the way of giving the Brotherhood a chance.
When it comes to taking a stance on Syria, the role Assad plays vis-à-vis Iran and Hezbollah cannot be ignored. But if democracy is given a chance in Syria (as it has been in Iraq, with varying degrees of success) and the people decide they no longer want to be an ally of Iran, then that is a choice they will make – and the rest of us will have to deal with it.
Many of the Iraqi politicians in power today were once forced to flee due to Ba'athist repression and lived for decades in exile. It should be breaking their hearts to see Syrians leaving their homeland, and it should remind them of how they also had to endure this pain with the international community doing nothing about it.
Iraq cannot offer the Syrians salvation, but the least it can do is offer moral support – and break the pattern of taking sides in the Arab spring according to one's sectarian background and the background of those calling for change.
Guardian
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