.Brittle Bond: Iraqi Sheik Joins US Fight
YOUSSIFIYAH, Iraq (AP) - Thirteen members of Sheik Faisal Chilab's family were slain by militants. The U.S. military arrested him twice. Three of his four sons also were detained.
So the sheik struck a deal with the U.S. military.
The Sunni clan chief would bring 500 tribesmen to help battle al-Qaida in Iraq and Shiite militiamen in their part of a former shooting gallery dubbed the "triangle of death" south of Baghdad. In return, the Pentagon put them on a monthly payroll that's almost on par with what the Iraqi government pays entry-level policemen and army soldiers.
Their alliance - built more on mutual needs rather than shared ideology - offers a glimpse of Washington's fragile and complicated strategy of teaming up with former enemies.
For the moment, it has showed significant dividends by uprooting extremists from strongholds across central Iraq as local tribes grew tired of the heavy hand of groups such as al-Qaida in Iraq or became suspicious of Shiite factions showing too much loyalty to Iran's theocrats.
But many of America's newfound allies display little agreement with Washington on what should come after the fight - suggesting the current bonds could easily fray.
Chilab and his men are like a reverse image of key U.S. positions. They view Americans as occupiers, reminisce about the days of Saddam Hussein and are deeply wary of the Shiite-dominated government.
Even Chilab's wordplay tries to both scold and soothe his new partners.
"We cannot say that America is bad, but what it has done to us is not good," said Chilab, fingering crimson worry beads.
But there's no ambivalence about the past two months. The Chilab clan's turf - a stretch of farms and date palm groves along the banks of a tributary of the Euphrates about 12 miles south of Baghdad - has regained some of its old rhythms since the "Awakening Brigade" began manning 10 checkpoints.
Residents move freely and are tending their fields again. Raids by U.S. and Iraqi forces are rare and about 30 families have returned after fleeing the district's extreme violence.
Chilab, his sons and grandchildren received well-wishers Friday on the first day of the Eid al-Fitr feast that marks the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan.
Over a lunch of lamb, rice and salad, the Chilabs and their guests - all in Arab robes and some with AK-47 rifles - spent four hours explaining to a reporter why they launched their "awakening" movement and allied themselves with Americans.
"We want to reverse the marginalization of the Sunni Arabs and gain a bigger share of Iraq's wealth and political power," said Ahmed Ghazi, a veteran of Saddam's army. "Our awakening is our response to accusations that we are terrorists."
None of the two dozen men gathered in Chilab's large reception room praised the former dictator, but many said they missed the Saddam-era subsidies on fertilizer, seeds and machinery.
But they also complained that American forces had not delivered on pledges made during negotiations that established the Awakening. They said U.S. envoys promised to free detained clan members not charged with crimes and improve electricity, water and fuel supplies.
"If they don't meet their end of the bargain then we will be freed of our own obligation," said Chilab, who is in his mid-60s.
His men promised the Americans - he calls them "occupiers" - to end the mortar attacks or roadside bombs targeting U.S. and Iraqi forces in the area. They also vowed to forge cordial relations with neighboring Shiite clans - no small task for local Sunnis, many of whom worked in Saddam's government, army, security agencies and military industry.
Chilab's decision to forge an alliance with the Americans was of immense importance.
Youssifiyah lies astride the route from Baghdad to the Shiite shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala. Millions visit each year. Hundreds of pilgrims to the holy places have been killed on the road.
Youssifiyah had been an al-Qaida stronghold since 2004. It is viewed as one of the most dangerous areas for the U.S. military and has been a major theater of sectarian violence.
The four-mile stretch of secondary road leading to Chilab's house has five checkpoints, built with concrete blast walls and metal barricades.
His men, mostly in their 20s, are armed with assault rifles, machine-guns and rocket propelled grenades. Their headquarters is a shoddily built, windowless hut in the middle of a field. There is one desk and some bamboo chairs. The only thing hanging on the gray walls is a U.S.-supplied aerial map of the area.
The Americans pay a monthly wage of $300 to members of the force; officers receive $600. The U.S. military gave them gray shirts and yellow jerseys with glow-in-the-dark white stripes. That prevents them being mistaken for insurgents during nighttime operations.
The agreement with the Americans is for the entire group to be absorbed eventually into Iraqi government security apparatus. But the tottering government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is balking - worried about a flood of Sunnis into the Shiite-led forces.
But there is a different tone on the streets.
Relations between clan residents and the mainly Shiite army unit deployed on the main road have improved dramatically.
"They used to be so harsh with us during house raids and searches at checkpoints," recounted Salah, one of Chilab's sons.
"It's different now," he said after shaking hands and exchanging kisses on the cheek with two young army soldiers at a checkpoint.
"Let us know if you need anything," Salah told the soldiers.
The presence of al-Qaida in nearby areas remains a constant worry.
Of 22 members of his clan that were Saddam-era army officers, Chilab said only two have volunteered for the Awakening Brigade. "They fear being killed," he said, running his right hand across his throat to suggest that al-Qaida militants would slaughter them.
Chilab is also watchful. He travels with four armed guards and has received several telephone threats.
One of the guests on Friday, who identified himself as Bilal, suddenly broke into English to warn the reporter that Chilab could not talk as openly as he would like about the Awakening Brigade.
"Sir," he said, "the sheik cannot trust everyone in this room."
MyWay
So the sheik struck a deal with the U.S. military.
The Sunni clan chief would bring 500 tribesmen to help battle al-Qaida in Iraq and Shiite militiamen in their part of a former shooting gallery dubbed the "triangle of death" south of Baghdad. In return, the Pentagon put them on a monthly payroll that's almost on par with what the Iraqi government pays entry-level policemen and army soldiers.
Their alliance - built more on mutual needs rather than shared ideology - offers a glimpse of Washington's fragile and complicated strategy of teaming up with former enemies.
For the moment, it has showed significant dividends by uprooting extremists from strongholds across central Iraq as local tribes grew tired of the heavy hand of groups such as al-Qaida in Iraq or became suspicious of Shiite factions showing too much loyalty to Iran's theocrats.
But many of America's newfound allies display little agreement with Washington on what should come after the fight - suggesting the current bonds could easily fray.
Chilab and his men are like a reverse image of key U.S. positions. They view Americans as occupiers, reminisce about the days of Saddam Hussein and are deeply wary of the Shiite-dominated government.
Even Chilab's wordplay tries to both scold and soothe his new partners.
"We cannot say that America is bad, but what it has done to us is not good," said Chilab, fingering crimson worry beads.
But there's no ambivalence about the past two months. The Chilab clan's turf - a stretch of farms and date palm groves along the banks of a tributary of the Euphrates about 12 miles south of Baghdad - has regained some of its old rhythms since the "Awakening Brigade" began manning 10 checkpoints.
Residents move freely and are tending their fields again. Raids by U.S. and Iraqi forces are rare and about 30 families have returned after fleeing the district's extreme violence.
Chilab, his sons and grandchildren received well-wishers Friday on the first day of the Eid al-Fitr feast that marks the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan.
Over a lunch of lamb, rice and salad, the Chilabs and their guests - all in Arab robes and some with AK-47 rifles - spent four hours explaining to a reporter why they launched their "awakening" movement and allied themselves with Americans.
"We want to reverse the marginalization of the Sunni Arabs and gain a bigger share of Iraq's wealth and political power," said Ahmed Ghazi, a veteran of Saddam's army. "Our awakening is our response to accusations that we are terrorists."
None of the two dozen men gathered in Chilab's large reception room praised the former dictator, but many said they missed the Saddam-era subsidies on fertilizer, seeds and machinery.
But they also complained that American forces had not delivered on pledges made during negotiations that established the Awakening. They said U.S. envoys promised to free detained clan members not charged with crimes and improve electricity, water and fuel supplies.
"If they don't meet their end of the bargain then we will be freed of our own obligation," said Chilab, who is in his mid-60s.
His men promised the Americans - he calls them "occupiers" - to end the mortar attacks or roadside bombs targeting U.S. and Iraqi forces in the area. They also vowed to forge cordial relations with neighboring Shiite clans - no small task for local Sunnis, many of whom worked in Saddam's government, army, security agencies and military industry.
Chilab's decision to forge an alliance with the Americans was of immense importance.
Youssifiyah lies astride the route from Baghdad to the Shiite shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala. Millions visit each year. Hundreds of pilgrims to the holy places have been killed on the road.
Youssifiyah had been an al-Qaida stronghold since 2004. It is viewed as one of the most dangerous areas for the U.S. military and has been a major theater of sectarian violence.
The four-mile stretch of secondary road leading to Chilab's house has five checkpoints, built with concrete blast walls and metal barricades.
His men, mostly in their 20s, are armed with assault rifles, machine-guns and rocket propelled grenades. Their headquarters is a shoddily built, windowless hut in the middle of a field. There is one desk and some bamboo chairs. The only thing hanging on the gray walls is a U.S.-supplied aerial map of the area.
The Americans pay a monthly wage of $300 to members of the force; officers receive $600. The U.S. military gave them gray shirts and yellow jerseys with glow-in-the-dark white stripes. That prevents them being mistaken for insurgents during nighttime operations.
The agreement with the Americans is for the entire group to be absorbed eventually into Iraqi government security apparatus. But the tottering government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is balking - worried about a flood of Sunnis into the Shiite-led forces.
But there is a different tone on the streets.
Relations between clan residents and the mainly Shiite army unit deployed on the main road have improved dramatically.
"They used to be so harsh with us during house raids and searches at checkpoints," recounted Salah, one of Chilab's sons.
"It's different now," he said after shaking hands and exchanging kisses on the cheek with two young army soldiers at a checkpoint.
"Let us know if you need anything," Salah told the soldiers.
The presence of al-Qaida in nearby areas remains a constant worry.
Of 22 members of his clan that were Saddam-era army officers, Chilab said only two have volunteered for the Awakening Brigade. "They fear being killed," he said, running his right hand across his throat to suggest that al-Qaida militants would slaughter them.
Chilab is also watchful. He travels with four armed guards and has received several telephone threats.
One of the guests on Friday, who identified himself as Bilal, suddenly broke into English to warn the reporter that Chilab could not talk as openly as he would like about the Awakening Brigade.
"Sir," he said, "the sheik cannot trust everyone in this room."
MyWay
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